When the Wisconsin Senate and State Assembly submitted an amicus brief to the Supreme Court, the plaintiffs asked the Faegre group to write a response brief on behalf of the Center for Media and Democracy. Yeager led the team of 15 attorneys from eight Faegre offices in researching, drafting and redrafting the brief pro bono.
“This is yet another choice to put an aggressive fossil fuel insider into a position of power at taxpayer expense. I have no doubt Wynn will put private interests–very special interests–over the public interest in protecting our public lands and forests,” said Lisa Graves, Executive Director of the Center for Media and Democracy and publisher of the website ALECExposed.org, the first website to publish hundreds of ALEC model bills back in 2011.
“Promoting Wynn, with his long ties to the Koch Industries-fueled ALEC pay-to-play operation and other groups like EEI that peddle the corporate agenda, just underscores how Trump has put the swamp creatures in charge instead of ‘draining the swamp.”
The CEA was created in the late 2000s by Whatley, a founding partner of a Washington, D.C.-based Republican lobbying group, HBW Resources, that has close ties to the Alberta, Canada, tar sands industry, according to Sourcewatch, “Consumer Energy Alliance”: https//www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Consumer_Energy_Alliance. Whatley’s CEA is backed by big energy producers such as BP, Chevron, ExxonMobil, Marathon, Shell, to name but a few.
What Resolute filed is known as a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) lawsuit. They are, as PR Watch has previously documented, employed by corporations to shut people up and burden them with the cost of legal defenses.
In addition to Milwaukee progressive comedians, each Laughing Liberally Milwaukee features a special interview with a local activist, journalist, or political figure. October’s guest is Lisa Graves, executive director at the Center for Media and Democracy, a nationally-recognized watchdog group that leads in-depth investigations into the corruption that undermines our democracy, environment, and economic prosperity.
In July 2011, The Nation published a series of articles produced in collaboration with the Center for Media and Democracy (CMD) that showcased some of the ALEC model bills and described ties to the Koch family, and CMD launched a website “ALEC Exposed” that documented more than 800 of ALEC model bills, the legislators and corporations that had helped to draft them, and the states that enacted them.
Murray has worked assiduously for years to head off federal climate regulation. In fact, emails obtained by the Center for Media and Democracy showed that Murray conferred with then-Oklahoma Attorney General Pruitt in 2015 after the Obama EPA announced its plans for reducing carbon emissions from the electric power sector. Inhofe acted as a go-between, arranging a phone meeting between the two.
The volume of paper documents — some 200,000 — was an obvious deterrent. So too was the scanning technology over the years. But von Stackelberg always kept his eye on that changing technology and eventually they decided the time was right. Partnering with the Center for Media and Democracy and the Bioscience Resource Project, von Stackelberg and van Strum digitized the thousands of pages of documents and put them online as The Poison Papers.
Editors might believe the op-ed label relieves them of responsibility. “They can post (submissions) with very little scrutiny as an op-ed,” said Lisa Graves, executive director of the Center for Media and Democracy, a corporate watchdog group. “It’s happened with a lot of papers. It’s a nod to the blog world.”
One of the publications I followed at the time was PR Watch. It was a quarterly that was exactly what its name suggests. In 2002, I stumbled across a story that filled in the gaps in my understanding of the dialogue schema used by PR firms. The piece was written by two guys I don’t know: Bob Burton and Andy Rowell.